AS FAR as the South China Sea (SCS) is concerned, Malaysia should enhance its maritime and air defence security strategy and infrastructure as preservation of our national interests is the overriding factor.
Piecemeal or ad hoc low-level responses are no longer adequate. At the same time, though, we should increase the intensity of our diplomatic engagements, both overt and covert, set within the framework of the twin-track approaches – bilateral and multilateral, where China is concerned.
Due consideration should be given to the Auditor-General's Report released on July 14, where it stated that China encroached into Malaysian waters 89 times between 2016 and 2019.
"The China Coast Guard (CCG) intruded into Malaysian waters 72 times, while the remaining were by the People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN). The reason for the CCG and PLAN's existence was to demonstrate China's presence in regard to its SCS claims, especially in the Beting Patinggi Ali (BPA) area [in Sarawak waters]," said the report.
The report was released against the backdrop of US' hardened position against China's presence in the SCS. Accompanying this has also been the public spat between our current and former Foreign Minister.
Apart from the BPA, the latest and farthest extent of Chinese intrusion so far into our waters is the area of Malaysia's extended continental shelf near the Luconia Shoals where a Chinese survey vessel was accompanied by the CCG and fishing militia from April to May this year.
Analysts are of the view Malaysia is now more dependent on China for trade as a result of the economic impact of Covid-19. They are also quick to point out the Foreign Minister's tactful and quiet diplomacy on the issue is not a tacit kowtowing or submission to China's claim under undue pressure, economic or military.
Datuk Seri Hishamuddin Hussein's statement isn't surprising. It should be recalled that he was the then Defence Minister who played a pivotal role in forging and fostering closer defence and security ties and cooperation with China when Datuk Seri Najib Razak was Prime Minister.
Be that as it may, there is a need to redress whatever policy gap there is in terms of diplomacy and securitym which calls for alignment and coordination. Towards that end, Malaysia should, among others:
Suspend the practice of giving port access to Chinese warships. Call for China to withhold and restrain itself from sending its military assets to accompany civilian vessels in the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of claimant countries; implement the policy of monitoring and supervising civilian activities of Chinese vessels sent for survey, scientific, research and marine purposes; stop all Chinese fishing activities; and take steps to forge and foster stronger defence and security cooperation with selected Asean member-states ("core") namely Singapore, Brunei, Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam to counter China's presence.
At the same time, these member-states should ratify a common or joint-defence and security pact revolving around maritime and air warfare to signal our determination to stand up to the aggressive behaviour of China.
Also, commence the practice of note verbal or third party note directly to China to state our objection and protest at incursions instead of through adjudicating bodies such as the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf even if this risks diplomatic awkwardness and a fallout.
This in addition to the practice of informally engaging the diplomatic counterparts of China. A new genre of international relations language should be employed tempered to be sure by tactful language, e.g. "Malaysia views the practical annexation of… by China as infringing on our sovereign right to resources within the EEZ".
To reiterate, Malaysia has no choice but to beef up its position for the sake of its territorial sovereignty and integrity.
The writer is Head of Social, Law & Human Rights at EMIR Research, an independent think tank focussed on strategic policy recommendations based on rigorous research