PAKISTAN, once a major non-North Atlantic Treaty Organisation ally, has made many sacrifices for the United States' war on terror.
However, Washington brushed aside Islamabad's contributions to embrace New Delhi.
The US is pinning its hopes on India to recoup its influence in the Indo-Pacific.
Notwithstanding Washington's years-long soft-soap approach to appease New Delhi, the South Asian country has never shied away from embarrassing the US.
India bypassed US sanctions to buy S-400 missile defence systems and oil from Russia, ditching America.
After the maiden in-person meeting of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), India, a cornerstone of US President Joe Biden's Indo-Pacific strategy and a Quad member, once again hoodwinked the US by pulling out from the ministerial statement on the topmost pillar of the framework, trade, over environment and labour discrimination.
Originally announced during Biden's trip to Japan in May, the pan-Asian deal doesn't cut tariffs or give greater market access to participating countries.
Given that these two elements form the foundation of any multilateral economic cooperation, the initiative was largely an attempt to demonstrate the grouping's solidarity.
Still, India didn't miss the opportunity to stigmatise the US on the global stage.
Biden's roster encompassed initiating environmental, labour and other standards in Asia through IPEF.
Yet, India blew up all the "high-standard provisions" to promote a sustainable and inclusive economic growth in a jiffy.
As a result, ambiguity looms over India's commitment to the US, which seeks the initiative as a "durable model" for other countries in the world.
The framework isn't a free trade agreement (FTA) either like the Regional Comprehensive Economic Agreement (RCEP), which covers a population of 2.3 billion and US$26.3 trillion of gross domestic product in trade, investment and economic and technical cooperation in addition to crafting new rules for e-commerce and intellectual property.
RCEP is still the world's largest FTA despite India's withdrawal.
The US has been giving a cold shoulder to the economic ambitions of countries in the region by prioritising its interests.
The new US Indo-Pacific strategy states its "considered but rejected" idea of scaling back military presence over the region's strategic importance in the 21st century.
After Donald Trump in 2017 dialled back the US proclivity for the region's economy and retreated from the Trans Pacific Partnership, Biden sustained his predecessor's aloof legacy and didn't lay out a plan for regional peace and prosperity.
This is where IPEF sounds the alarm for other Indo-Pacific states about regional security.
Overlapping interests on supply chains among member states further obscure IPEF's success.
While South Korea wants to establish itself as a rule maker in the framework, the Biden administration's Inflation Reduction Act is threatening multilateralism and Seoul's economic aspirations by providing tax credits to electric vehicles (EVs) assembled in North America.
The legislation not only puts leading South Korean EV giants in the US at disadvantage, it also pushes them in a supply chain crisis as the manufacturers will be required to source at least 40 per cent in 2023 to 80 per cent in 2029 of EV battery components from North America or countries having a free trade agreement with the US.
The South Korean Parliament earlier this month passed a resolution to express concern about the new rules.
Even as the scheme is aimed at lessening reliance on China and seeks to create millions of American manufacturing jobs, the plan may hit a snag if it excludes China where almost 70 per cent of the announced EV battery production capacity is projected to be concentrated by 2030.
There is another catch: the supply chain required for this credit doesn't exist in the US.
JL
Japan and the European Union have conveyed their objections to the US about its prejudices against its own allies, believing the restrictions may violate the World Trade Organisation's rules and international law.
Asean, believing that the Indo-Pacific was developing into an arena of power struggle between China and the US under Trump, raised its concerns to the US about the country's ability to deter China in the event of a conflict, for example, over Taiwan or the South China Sea.
While the bloc's division into US and China camps casts doubt on the success of the US Indo-Pacific strategy, an all-pain, no-gain initiative runs the risk of a lukewarm response from Asean.
IPEF may appeal little to Asean as it dismisses any negotiation on tariffs and market access, and tends to obstruct development plans that impinge on Asean centrality.
Most significantly, the IPEF meeting didn't produce a formal agreement.
It was a ceremonial gathering to showcase the US's commitment to the Indo-Pacific and reaffirm Biden's position on keeping tariffs and trade and investment barriers.
Thanks to India's mine-laying, the US is embarrassed yet again as the summit neither boosted the US' interests nor did it showcase trans-Pacific unity.
The writer is a private professional and writes on geopolitical issues and regional conflicts.