IT was high noon over West Capela in April, off the coast of Sarawak near the Malay-sian exclusive economic zone where the Petronas drilling vessel was harassed by a Chinese survey ship, Haiyang Dizhi 8.
To show its strength as a maritime superpower, the United States sent a small carrier, the USS America, to patrol the South China Sea and to challenge China on its encroachment on disputed seas.
The American warship, flanked by two escorts, USS Bunker Hill and USS Barry, came in close proximity to Haiyang Dizhi 8.
According to Marine Traffic, a ship-tracking website, the Hai-yang Dizhi 8 entered the waters near Malaysia on April 18. The sensation created by this "intrusion" of the Chinese is that it was a flotilla. The Haiyang Dizhi 8 was not alone.
American portals, including Foreign Policy, reported the Chinese flotilla was sent to harass West Capela, a drillship operating near the edge of Malaysia's 200-nautical-mile exclusive economic zone.
West Capela was off Sarawak and has been in operation in this area since last year.
The Chinese vessels approached West Capela showing the intention to disrupt the drilling process.
Washington's intentions to send a mini-flotilla to confront the Chinese vessels are still not clear. Many would like to believe the Americans ran to the rescue of the Malaysian ship or sort of.
Observers think the US did not come to support the Malaysians alone.
It was there to support other countries that had scuffles with the Chinese vessels.
Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and perhaps Brunei have had recent issues with Chinese patrols or warships and a horde of Chinese fishing boats said to be China's maritime militia.
Nevertheless, the small American flotilla with its handful of F-35 jets, helicopters, and its force of US Marines, made the Chinese aware it was there.
But for many, the American presence is not welcomed as it adds to diplomatic strains with China.
In contrast, some Asean member states would prefer to see the Americans remain active in the seas. Haiyang Dizhi 8 was accompanied by coast guard vessels and fishing boats that analysts say are part of a China's maritime militia.
Without a doubt, China is very active in the waters, which it considers its territory, ignoring international laws while it shuns the territorial integrity of other claimants.
Since the Arbitral Tribunal's ruling against China in 2016, Beijing did not shy away from its movements in the South China Sea, attacking fishing vessels from Vietnam, alarming the Indonesians, raising concerns from Manila and tagging the Malay-sian oil exploration vessel.
On April 28, Chinese authorities said they scrambled ships and aircraft to expel the USS Barry (DDG-52), which was conducting a freedom of navigation ops, from the Paracel Island. China's military authorities called the American presence a provocative act that has violated China's sovereignty and security interests.
It accuses the US of deliberate tensions in the seas and creating a regional security risk that could trigger an unexpected incident.
The division in Asean has had a negative impact on the conflict with China.
The cracks in Asean could be seen from 2012 onward, and in 2016, with Cambodia blocking the final draft of a resolution on the South China Sea conflict from Asean.
In Asean's framework, consensus means failure to achieve anything if one of the 10 member states objects to a proposal or idea.
For a decade now, Asean could not find a consensus on how to tackle China in the high seas.
China has imposed itself and has gradually conquered more space in the waters, mostly due to division among Asean members.
To resolve this conflict with China, Asean has to decide whether it should abandon the consensus in this highly vola-tile and important crisis or give in to China.
Asean should start focusing on a permanent conflict resolution tool that will be acceptable to Beijing and Washington.
Asean should stop acting like a redundant entity incapable of forging ahead with a solution in a conflict that may turn explosive if China or the US becomes more aggressive.
The writer, a former business editor at 'Malay Mail', runs an anti-war movement campaigning for peaceful resolution of conflicts in the region
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect those of the New Straits Times