THE adventures in the South China Sea (SCS) over the past weeks with Haiyang Dizhi-8 and her party has grabbed much attention, domestically and internationally.
For a long time, Malaysia has been viewed as docile when discussing China's assertiveness there. But, does quiet diplomacy mean being a client state? Let's examine the regional geopolitical situation more closely to better understand Malaysia's stand and then explore opportunities in the long term.
The 2002 Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the SCS (DOC) was signed by China and Asean. Among others, signatories to this declaration affirmed to abide by the rule of law, non-escalation of tensions and capacity-building programmes that will boost confidence-building measures.
Since then, a lot has happened. China today has eight militarised offshore stations. The international and regional communities have been helpless on the construction of these stations. Fishing fleets and the ubiquitous Coast Guard vessels are using these as staging areas to extend their reach in the SCS. We have read about endless conference-building measures instead of confidence-building measures.
Yet, it has been eight years with no resolution in sight. What then is the message to the littoral states? Enhance the arms race, provide bases for foreign forward deployments, or simply sit back and accommodate a showdown between powers when it happens?
The importance of the SCS to Malaysia may not be understood. This is not the only waterway for Malaysia of international concern. Malaysia tactfully engaged its neighbours on piracy in the Strait of Malacca and kidnap for ransom in the Sulu Celebes Seas without external interference.
Malaysia has abided by the DOC, managing temptations and frictions well, avoiding escalation. Over the years, Malaysia has been consistent with its policies in the SCS. Malaysia's five military installations in the Spratlys and unhindered production of oil and gas are testimony to this.
Now that China's noose tightens in the SCS, amid the series of negotiations on for the Final Draft of the Code of Conduct, Malaysia may need to revisit its strategies. As the need to be firm increases, tact and prudent must be combined to add resolve. More focus will also be required to manage the maritime estate, gifted with marine living and non-living resources.
Next, fisheries. The fact that Thailand, being a major fishery exporting nation, despite having a large population and a relatively small maritime estate, is very telling on its management. Indonesia has also come far in fishery management. Endowed with a vast maritime estate, Malaysia may need to enhance scientific studies, like fish stock assessments and maximum sustainable yields, to better understand sustainable fisheries.
Collaborative efforts with the fishing industry, and other bodies, like the Global Fishing Watch and the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crimes, will offer immense opportunities in addressing various issues. Multi-agency monitoring control and surveillance (MCS) need to be enhanced for better management.
The need is to eventually put more fishermen out there, as the "eyes" and "ears" to complement MCS. Livelihoods and industrial projects on aquaculture, mariculture and marine capture will add to better food, resource and human security. The National Agriculture Policy 4 expires in 2020. Perhaps the next one could address fisheries management further.
It's also about oil and gas. In case China insists on forcefully obtaining oil and gas, it may need to park Floating Production Storage and Offloading vessels in the SCS as it may be challenging to run pipelines underwater all the way to China. This matter can always be handled by government and industry policies in determining the best way forward. Surveys and explorations may not yield the desired production levels, which are after all, costly affairs.
The situation in the SCS is becoming increasingly challenging. In standing up to uphold its interests, Malaysia is a client state to none. Hence, it pays for a small nation to be prudent in managing its affairs on the SCS. Focus on better management, enhanced assessments and decision-making processes.
As for those competing for the SCS, if Malaysia is not with you, it is not against you. It is best to be a responsible power, a steward, with the best interest of the littoral states at heart.
The writer is a Senior Fellow and Centre Head for the Centre for Maritime Security and Diplomacy (CMSD) at the Maritime Institute of Malaysia (MIMA). MIMA is the national maritime policy think tank under the Transport Ministry
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect those of the New Straits Times