There is still much to be done by the new government.
THERE is little sense in grading a new government on its performance in its first 100 days in office especially if it has just replaced the world’s longest running coalition in power.
Pakatan Harapan itself had set the stage for this evaluation by pledging to fulfil 10 promises within 100 days in its election manifesto. The 100 days idea is nothing more than a political fad that originated with the Franklin Roosevelt presidency in the United States of America. It is totally inappropriate in our context following the monumental challenges that have unfolded which require an appraisal that is non-partisan, fair, continuous and comprehensive.
It is that sort of appraisal that society should provide as feedback to the PH government. The aim would be to encourage the positive dimensions in PH’s governance and to caution against negative aspects of its performance.
Since corruption and abuse of power associated with the previous Barisan Nasional government was a major factor in its downfall, the PH leadership is doing the right thing in exposing the terrible wrongdoings related to the 1MDB scandal and other financial shortcomings.
Understandably, the focus has been former prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak and his wife Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor, and the seizure of handbags, jewellery and other expensive acquisitions. In the course of these revelations, the Malaysian public has become acutely aware of the debts that the government had accumulated in recent years. In order to reduce these debts, mammoth projects undertaken with Chinese companies and the Singapore government have had to be cancelled or postponed.
The PH government has also sought to address some of the woes of the people as expressed during the election campaign. It has abolished the unpopular Goods and Services Tax (GST), stabilised the price of petrol and postponed the repayment of PTPTN loans for graduates whose salaries are below RM4,000 per month.
While these are among the positive measures, one should not ignore the gross errors and outright fumbles committed by the new government and entities associated with it. I shall highlight just one. For a short while in July, Malaysia found itself in an embarrassing situation with two chief justices. It arose partly because in hastening a transition of authority in the judiciary, respect for the independence and integrity of the institution was set aside.
In spite of this, the PH government continues to enjoy the trust and confidence of the vast majority of the people as reflected in a number of surveys. It is perceived as sincere in its endeavour to rectify the shortcomings of the previous government.
Nonetheless, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and his government will be facing monumental challenges in the days ahead. Even in combating corruption — PH has yet to present to Parliament a bill to regulate political financing and to make electoral funding transparent. The declaration of assets and liabilities of ministers and deputy ministers at the federal level to the public through the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission is awaiting implementation. Other proposals on barring close relatives of power-holders from bidding for federal or state government contracts and projects or on minimising and eliminating the role of “middle-men” and proxies in procurement exercises involving federal and state entities have not been pursued with vigour.
Strengthening democracy has been largely about rescinding laws such as the Sedition Act and Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 (Sosma), among others. But even this remains an unfulfilled promise. However, enhancing human rights must mean more than rescinding authoritarian laws. Some of the vile and vicious excesses of social media have convinced a lot of human rights advocates of the importance of integrating rights with responsibilities. A more profound commitment to responsibilities at all levels could help develop a deeper attachment to the principle of amanah (trust) which, in turn, will reinforce the spiritual-moral foundation of life and society.
An equally crucial challenge confronting the PH government is the situation of the relatively poor and disadvantaged. Increasing and equalising the minimum wage nationally is one of the prominent pledges. The government is also very much aware of the need to improve the quality of public housing, public education, public healthcare, public transportation, and public amenities in general, which will impact positively upon the life of the poor. But there is no sign yet to suggest that PH is moving in that direction in a concerted manner.
The other fundamental challenge revolves around ethnic relations. Remarks and demands made in the first 100 days reveal ethnic and religious fault lines that the coalition has not dealt with as a grouping. For instance, the uneasiness among some Malays caused by certain senior government appointments indicates not only a lack of appreciation of the Constitution but also points to a superficial understanding of what citizenship in a modern society entails.
Similarly, inaccurate views about the ethnicity of ancient communities in the region, the flow of peoples within Nusantara and the reality of colonial migration and its adverse impact contemporary ethnic relations, show how much ignorance prevails among PH leaders. One gets the impression that PH has not really imbued its leadership and membership with knowledge and understanding of how the Malaysian nation-state evolved essentially from Malay sultanates shaped by the colonial experience and the non-Malay presence. Without such understanding, it will be difficult to navigate ethnic relations in the country.
PH has also got to deal with the calls for greater autonomy from the citizens of Sarawak and Sabah. Enforcing the Malaysia Agreement of 1963 is a PH promise though very little appears to have been done in concrete terms.
Forging a foreign policy of dignity that safeguards Malaysia’s independence and sovereignty has become a much greater challenge today than it was when Dr Mahathir first became prime minister in 1981. The United States’ negative response to the rise of China in recent decades has transformed Asean into a potential cockpit of conflict. To minimise tension and to avert serious friction, Malaysia together with its Asean neighbours will have to engage not just the US and China but also other states in Asia such as Japan, the Koreas, India and Pakistan in constructive dialogue.
The writer is chairman of the Board of Trustees of Yayasan Perpaduan Malaysia.